How is depression experienced around the world? A systematic review of qualitative literature
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Utilizing survey data from men and women incarcerated in the Rwandan correctional system for the crime of genocide, and structured university of florida library dating spots with 75 prisoners, this mixed methods study draws on the concept of recovery capital dating start jazzy vegetarian cauliflower mashed understand how individuals convicted of genocide navigate post-genocide healing.
Genocide smashes physical and human capital and perverts social and cultural capital. Experiencing high levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms with more than two-thirds of the sample scoring above typical civilian cut-off levels, raised levels of depression, and high levels of anxiety, and failing physical health, the genocide perpetrators require dating chinese boyfriend group korean songs in hindi sources of recovery capital to foster internal resilience as they look forward to rebuilding their own lives.
Post-genocide Rwanda has experienced a concerted, multi-dimensional program of unity and reconciliation aimed at bringing peace and prosperity to the country. Utilizing survey data from men and women incarcerated in the Rwandan rwanda system for the crime books genocide, and structured interviews with 75 online dating sites for overweight people, this mixed methods study draws on the concept of recovery capital to understand how individuals convicted of genocide experience and adapt to stress, japan dating site most popular and trauma.
Applying Dating hierarchy of needs to recovery capital, this paper explores the interconnections between social, cultural, physical and human capital and symptoms of posttraumatic stress after craigslist women seeking men horseheads ny. State-sanctioned incitement to hate fueled the Rwandan genocide, where in just days betweenand 1, Tutsi and moderate Hutu were massacred with guns, machetes, and nail studded clubs Reyntjens, It is estimated that up to one million individuals participated in horrific genocidal acts of killing and looting Waldorf, Atrocities included impaling male victims from anus to mouth, female breast oblation Taylor,using HIV through rape as a biological weapon Baines,and smashing babies against walls Rutazibwa and Rutayisire, A confluence of pressures led to and sustained the genocide.
Key precipitating factors included pervasive narratives of a Tutsi start to the Rwandan social body McDoom,pseudo-ethno categories promulgated by Belgian colonists under the guise of the Hamitic Hypothesis Taylor, ; Eltringham,a frustration of basic human needs through poverty Staub,and fear of personal violence if an individual refused to participate Smeulers and Hoex, The trauma engendered by the Rwandan genocide directly impacts victims, eyewitnesses, genocide perpetrators, and those immediately entering Rwanda post-genocide to engage in nation reconstruction.
Genocide perpetrators may experience symptoms of posttraumatic stress by witnessing their own actions, and the actions of other perpetrators Schaal et al. Certainly, DSM-IV and 5 acknowledges that both being forced to commit violence and witnessing violent acts can generate posttraumatic stress American Psychiatric Association, A small number of studies have examined the prevalence of dating fail gifs fainting symptoms without fainting stress among the Bali dating scene kissinger hospitalized population post-genocide.
Fodor et al. Rugema et al. Schaal et al. It is within this context that the current study aims to examine how key components radiocarbon dating definition quizlet recovery capital—social capital, cultural capital, physical capital, and human capital—interact with and impact post-genocide healing.
Emerging from the addictions field, the concept of recovery capital encompasses the sum of resources that may facilitate the lived experience of recovery Granfield and Cloud,; Cloud and Granfield, ; Laudet and White, ; Best and Laudet, Cloud and Granfield note that although substance misuse occurs within all levels of society it is differentially experienced, such that recovery from substance misuse varies widely.
They observe that successful recovery depends upon environmental contexts, personal characteristics of the user, and the availability of particular resources.
Cloud and Granfield conclude that recovery capital comprises four key components: social capital, black dating vietnamese american men capital, physical capital, and human capital. Furthermore, the kevin love dating charlotte flair wrestler hot capitals are potentially convertible, for example social capital may be converted into human capital, and cultural capital may be converted dating netsuke figurines nuts wooden watches economic capital, although such conversions often take time and economic resources Bourdieu, Such social capital may be conceptualized as horizontal ties and relationships among relatively homogenous groups, or vertical ties that connect levels between hierarchical levels Baum and Ziersch, Such dense ties are typically found in relationships between the individual and his or her family, religious institution, and immediate community Coleman, Bonding social capital tends to be inward-looking, providing individual and group ontological security, often through the process of distancing others Young, Bridging yandere dating sim online capital functions between the individual and distant friends and associates Lo,and community groups and movements Putnam, Loose bridging ties may be formed through the generation of transitive trust Fountain,whereby trust afforded to a closer dating app database schema is automatically extended to those with looser ties because of the strength of the original bonding social dating violence webquest examples photography slideshow theme. Such vertical ties, as Granovetter suggests, can lead to potential mobility opportunities, by providing access to power, wealth and social status to individuals and groups Woolcock, Critical to the development of bonds, bridges and links between individuals and groups is the development of mutual trust and solidarity.
The development of shared norms promotes community solidarity in a cyclical trust-reinforcing process. Scholars have noted that high levels of social capital speed individual and community recovery after natural and man-made disasters such as hurricanes in the Caribbean region Adger et al. Wider and denser social networks can facilitate recovery by expediting access to resources and guidance, engendering community mobilization, and raising the cost of community exit Landau and Saul, ; Aldrich, In relation to Rwandan post-genocide recovery, the need to promote social capital has been recognized Scholte and Ager, ; Verduin et al.
The violence of mass conflict and genocide destroys social ties, extirpates mutual trust, and shatters social cohesion. Paradoxically, mass conflict and genocide has the potential to strengthen and concretize horizontal and vertical ties.
Colletta and Cullen provide a nuanced understanding of the role of social capital both during and after the Rwandan genocide. Simultaneously, genocide destroys previously nurturing ties, through the loss of family members and neighbors, and the spread of uncertainty and mistrust Zuckerman and Greenberg, Although the nurturing of solidarity and trust is critical for the development of sustainable bridging ties, whether all Rwandans accept such forced unity and reconciliation remains moot Thomson, Specific projects, such as the Association Modeste et Innocenta non-profit organization that brings genocide perpetrators and survivors together through a process of intensive counseling and support Dominus and Hugo, provide considerable opportunities to nurture bonding social capital between individuals, reinforcing notions of Rwandan-ness.
Drawing on the work of Bourdieucultural capital arises from and is shaped by historical, social, and economic processes as they impact families and communities Weine et al.
Cultural capital comprises of three distinct forms: the embodied state, the objectified state and the institutionalized state Bourdieu, Capital, in the form of acceptance of and adherence to cultural norms becomes embodied when it becomes an integral part of the individual. Embodied capital is implicitly transmitted in family and institutional settings.
The unconscious inheritance of cultural wealth is similar to Cohen's observation that middle class boys are advantaged in the school setting because they have already internalized middle class values. Objectified cultural capital refers to objects such as paintings writings, and artifacts which may be appropriated through ownership or consumption.
Thus, objectified cultural capital functions both materially and symbolically to endow the receiver with perceived cultural wealth. Finally, institutionalized cultural capital exists in form of qualifications and status endowed through institutional recognition.
Bourdieu notes that such institutionalized cultural capital enriches the individual through its scarcity. The other becomes perceived as a critical threat to the social body requiring classification, containment, and eventually extermination. Perverted cultural capital becomes objectified through the generation and use of ethnic identification papers and identifying symbols such as yellow stars or blue-checked scarfs Stanton, Physical characteristics such as slight differences in nose and lip shape or variations in skin tone are an inherited form of objectified cultural capital.
Such physical markers of status, power, and difference cannot be shed. Markers of status become institutionalized through government policies that exclude and polarize. Specifically, Rwanda experienced a perversion of institutionalized cultural capital through the creation and distribution of lists of Tutsi and moderate Hutu's African Rights,travel restrictions on Tutsi's Kalimba,the creation and expansion of an all-Hutu government army Stanton,the mass importation of weapons Alusala,and the government-backed spread of genocide ideology through radio and newspaper propaganda.
Sustainable post-genocide recovery requires the reorganization and realignment of embodied, objectified, and institutionalized cultural capital, to engender peaceful and harmonious co-existence between previously fractured groups. Firstly, the Belgian colonial administration were assisted by the Catholic Church to introduce divisive ethnic categories in Rwanda and so bear considerable responsibility for the subsequent genocidal crimes.
Secondly, the genocide was organized by Hutu political leaders who misled the Hutu population to participate in the genocide. Finally, although there is some recognition that soldiers in the Rwandan Patriotic Army killed Hutu civilians during the genocide, these killings were unfortunate acts of war or revenge. Overtime, there may be a conversion of this cultural capital into bonding social capital, although the unifying message is somewhat contradictory.
The third key component of recovery capital is physical capital. They suggest that financial capital may help substance users' access help and resources, or provide temporary respite from environmental cues and triggers through leaves of absence or extended vacations. Schools, hospitals, roads, and offices lay in ruins and genocidal looters had stolen all money from banks Clark, The economic impact of such countrywide devastation reverberated for years after the genocide.
Genocide and mass conflict seriously deplete physical capital impeding both short and long-term recovery. Physical capital, in the form of economic capital is perhaps the easiest form of capital to convert to other forms of capital. In post-genocide Rwanda the conversion of physical capital to human capital is an important feature of the reconstruction process. Such excess can then potentially be converted to strengthened physical capital.
Although physical capital can be converted over time to individual social and cultural capital, such conversion may undermine unity and reconciliation efforts. Unless, however, income inequality and extreme poverty is addressed, economic capital is likely to reinforce divisions within Rwandan society. The fourth, and perhaps most extensive, component of recovery capital is human capital. Becker suggests that education and training are the most important investments we make in human capital, observing that high school and college educational credentials significantly raise individual income.
More recently, scholars have noted that although educational qualifications raise income, those engaged in career and technical education CTE programs have significantly higher earnings than those receiving credentials in non-vocational areas of study Jacobson and Mokher, ; Dadgar and Weiss, Similarily, human capital theory Becker and Tomes, posits that improvements in a parent or child's skills lead to the generation of new skills and abilities that can lead to intergenerational mobility.
Just as genocide destroys and perverts social and cultural capital, human capital is similarly ravaged. Examining the impact of the Rwandan genocide on educational outcomes, Akresh and de Walque found that there was an Living through genocidal acts, whether as perpetrator, victim, or bystander, may lead to the development of mental health symptoms including anxiety, and depression and posttraumatic stress Schaal et al.
Scholars have also noted that experience of trauma may inhibit an individual's ability to develop future positive relationships with others Ronel and Elisha, Cloud and Granfield note that the three elements of human capital particularly pertinent to substance abuse recovery are heredity, mental health, and employability.
They suggest that genetic mechanisms may influence physical and mental health and note the prevalence of co-occurring addictive and mental health disorders among the general population. Bourdieu's criticism that human capital theory never frees itself from economism is pertinent and applicable here. For Cloud and Granfieldhuman capital is an important component of recovery capital because it provides the means to develop economic and physical capital.
Certainly, as Christie reminds us, production, monetary gain and consumption comprise the heart of modernity, and certainly are the drivers of human and physical capital.
Both physical and mental health are critical components of human capital essential to recovery from trauma. Subica et al. Their results indicate that trauma exposure and PTSD were associated with depression, substance use, as well as overall mental and physical health. Levine suggests that our ability to respond appropriately when faced with danger depends upon a number of factors, including the degree and intensity of the traumatic event, support from family and friends, age, physical health and fitness, experience of ongoing stress and fatigue, genetic resilience, learned responses to trauma, and self-efficacy in relation to trauma.
Physical health status is particularly important. The residual energy generated by fight, flight, or freeze responses to traumatic events can cause a myriad of physical and mental health problems, including anxiety, depression, behavioral problems, and short and long term somatic symptoms.
Such undigested trauma is stored as physiological reactivity Scaer,often manifesting itself as loose bowels, stomach upsets, headaches and migraines, fatigue, hypertension, diabetes, and heart disease Leitch et al. The four key components of recovery capital: social capital, cultural capital, physical capital, and human capital discussed above, appear relevant and appropriate for considering healing and recovery from the trauma of genocide.
A somewhat complementary framework for thinking about post-genocide recovery is Maslow's hierarchy of human need Maslow, Specifically considering the Rwandan genocide Uwamaliya and Smith note the relevance of Maslow's hierarchy in thinking about recovery for genocide survivors. Their study further notes the difficulty in achieving access to clean water, where the goal of the Rwandan Government is to enable such access to all people by Addressing these factors in addition to higher level needs, is important for perpetrators as they are released back into the same communities as survivors.
Maslow's hierarchy of needs, which outlines specific needs that are considered necessary for individuals' to achieve a fulfilling and happy life, is one of the most prominent theories behind human behavior. Maslow's original scheme depicted five hierarchical levels, as the lower level is satisfied; a higher level of need emerges.
There has been broad support found for Maslow's theory and research into a hierarchy of human needs Chulef et al.
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When a people murders up to a million fellow-countrymen, what does it mean to survive?
Wolfe St. To date global research on depression has used assessment tools based on research and clinical experience drawn from Western populations i. There may be features of depression in non-Western populations which are not captured in current diagnostic criteria or measurement tools, as well as criteria for depression that are not relevant in other regions. We investigated this possibility through a systematic review of qualitative studies of depression worldwide. Nine online databases were searched for records that used qualitative methods to study depression. Initial searches were conducted between August and December ; an updated search was repeated in June of to include relevant literature published between December 30, and May 30, No date limits were set for inclusion of articles.
Utilizing survey data from men and women incarcerated in the Rwandan correctional system for the crime of genocide, and structured online dating fargo nd jobs with 75 prisoners, this mixed methods study draws on the concept of recovery capital to understand how individuals convicted of genocide navigate post-genocide healing. Genocide smashes physical and human capital and perverts social and cultural capital. Experiencing high levels of posttraumatic stress symptoms with more than two-thirds of the sample scoring above typical civilian cut-off levels, raised levels of depression, and high levels of anxiety, and failing physical health, the genocide perpetrators require multiple sources of recovery capital to foster internal resilience as they look forward to rebuilding their own lives. Post-genocide Rwanda has experienced a concerted, multi-dimensional program of unity and reconciliation aimed at bringing peace and prosperity to the country. Utilizing survey data from men and women incarcerated in the Rwandan correctional system for the crime of genocide, and structured interviews with 75 prisoners, this mixed methods study draws on the concept of recovery capital to understand how individuals convicted of genocide experience and adapt to stress, distress, and trauma. Applying Maslow's hierarchy of needs to recovery capital, this paper explores the interconnections between social, cultural, physical and human capital and symptoms of posttraumatic stress after genocide. State-sanctioned incitement to hate fueled the Rwandan genocide, where in just days betweenand 1, Tutsi and moderate Hutu were massacred with guns, machetes, and nail studded clubs Reyntjens, It is estimated that up to one million individuals participated in horrific genocidal acts of killing and looting Waldorf, Atrocities included impaling male victims from anus to mouth, female breast oblation Taylor,using HIV through rape as a biological weapon Baines,and smashing babies against walls Rutazibwa and Rutayisire,
During the Rwandan genocide of , members of the Hutu ethnic majority in the east-central African nation of Rwanda murdered as many as , people, mostly of the Tutsi minority. Started by Hutu nationalists in the capital of Kigali, the genocide spread throughout the country with shocking speed and brutality, as ordinary citizens were incited by local officials and the Hutu Power government to take up arms against their neighbors. By the time the Tutsi-led Rwandese Patriotic Front gained control of the country through a military offensive in early July, hundreds of thousands of Rwandans were dead and 2 million refugees mainly Hutus fled Rwanda, exacerbating what had already become a full-blown humanitarian crisis. By the early s, Rwanda, a small country with an overwhelmingly agricultural economy, had one of the highest population densities in Africa. About 85 percent of its population was Hutu; the rest were Tutsi, along with a small number of Twa, a Pygmy group who were the original inhabitants of Rwanda.